Maria Ozawa in an interview on Thai TV, talks about her life, how she first did it, and the reactions of her friends and family.
She talked about why she did it, and how she did it, she quits being an AV star (in 2012).
This is another interview in Australia in 2011.
Saturday, 15 June 2013
Thursday, 6 June 2013
Maria ozawa available for $1500
A writer for weekly tabloid Shukan Taishu (May 20) began surfing the Net, whereby he discovered a number of adult video (AV) clips. (Yes, dear reader, such developments in digital media cannot get past Taishu reporters.) Intrigued, the scribe, 56, searched on and eventually stumbled across entries for starlets like Maria Ozawa and Rin Aoki. It is a Website for a deri heru (out-call sex) establishment in Tokyo’s Shibuya Ward. It has been more than three years since Weekly Playboy reported, as dutifully conveyed by The Tokyo Reporter, on the availability of Miss Ozawa at club Tora no Ana (Tiger Hole). This was indeed the same establishment.
In the name of journalism, the reporter decided to get to the bottom of the situation, but likely a lady’s bottom would more than suffice. “Yes, we work with production agencies that staff the actresses,” the manager of Tora no Ana (@clubtoranoana on Twitter) told him on the phone. “We have about 50 actresses registered.” There is a ranking system in place. Top level actresses are considered Diamomd Tigers, whose rates are negotiable. Platinum Tigers are available for 35,000 yen ($350) per hour, with Gold Tigers fetching 22,000 yen for the same period. The manager said that Miss Ozawa’s rates start at 150,000 yen ($1500) for 70 minutes. “But as soon as her shifts are disclosed, it only takes few minutes to sell out,” he says. “For girls of her caliber, there are fans across the country who will travel to see her.”
The writer found the cost to be a bit excessive at first, but he then rationalized that the chance for some futon fun with a professional might be too good to pass up considering the only other option available is the trusty, yet well-worn, palm of his right hand. The writer took the plunge at the Gold level, specifically placing an order for an independent actress who has been featured in numerous high-school-themed titles. They rendezvous at a love hotel.
She removed the reporter’s clothes, leaving him in his underwear and socks. After a shower, they then hit the sack. “Come closer,” she began, and offered a deep stare that culminated in a long, slow kiss in which she displayed ample dexterity with her tongue. When he massaged her down there, she naturally opened her legs in an “M” shape. She then rolled over on her side and made her nipples available for a few pinches and squeezes, which made him visibly excited. “I will lick you,” she said just before elevating his rear so that he had a clear view of the lower half of her shapely body line. A thorough blow-job then finished the session. The reporter believed that she had re-enacted scenes from her porn films — a theory proven correct after he picked up a number of her…DVDs. Old habits die hard, so to speak.
Wednesday, 5 June 2013
Korean Girls in Australia
It is quite easy to find Korean Girls working in Karaoke or Salon Room and Massage in Sydney, Australia. Most of the girls come to Australia under the working holiday visa.
According to an article: The women worked in a range of workplaces including karaoke bars, room salons (hostess bars), massage parlours and brothels. Each type of establishments had different sets of working hours and conditions. They were willing participants in the industry and many were lured by job advertisements, readily available on the internet, which often exaggerated the benefits of a move into the industry. Also despite their legal status(the majority had a working holiday visa that allowed them to work up to 20 hours a week), they were, in many cases and to different extents, victims of deception, exploitation, control and illegal activities.
They were often vulnerable to verbal abuse and other controlling behaviour by their brothel owners, mangers, and/or madams which were often enforced through a long list of house rules related to being late, absent or quitting without due notice. These rules were often subject to changes at employers’ discretion. More than half the women felt that they were deceived about their eventual working conditions and found their working conditions to be either worse or much worse than what they expected or heard. This was particularly the case among karaoke and room salon workers.
Even though it was not directly ‘sex work’, being unknown to most outside the Korean community, including Australian service providers and authorities, their work usually had a sexual aspect.
Economic Motives
Korean women’s movement to and employment in the Australian entertainment and sex industry was always the result of their voluntarily choice. In-depth interviews with these women, however, suggest that their choice has been influenced by various forces, both structural and situational, at play. Although economic necessity was often the primary motivation, there was a diversity of economic, social and individual circumstances shaping their motivation. In most cases, women did not have one single reason but a combination of many reasons that led them to come to Australia and find a job in the sex and entertainment industry: for better employment prospects; for better income; to obtain a new life experience; to learn English; to extend their study abroad; to support family members back home, to pay off personal debts; or to gather capital for starting their own businesses.
Their migration dynamic in particular reflected the interplay of ‘push’ factors and ‘pull’ factors. Push factors may include negative aspects that make them leave Korea such as: economic motives; the trend of global movement; increased internationalisation of Korean culture; economic conditions in Korea; and the relatively more constraining Korean legal regime governing operation of the sex industry.
Pull factors may include positive aspects that induce them to come to Australia such as: established networks of international employment and their use of effective means of recruitment; immigration laws and prostitution laws in Australia, and the demand in Australia. In fact, these factors In all cases of Korean women interviewed in this study, the major motivation for their involvement in the Australian entertainment or sex industry was usually economic necessities, although also influenced by social and individual circumstances. The social reality that entertainment or sex work could earn more money than other work available to them might also have influenced their choice of work in Australia. Although, in most cases of the women, data was not available to indicate the socio-economic level of their family in Korea, the women were not necessarily from the lowest-income families in Korea and it was not necessarily poverty but economic necessity that played the most significant role in their entering into the industry in Australia.
For various reasons depending on the individual situation, all the women wanted to make money more than they could do from doing other work. All agreed that it was all about money. Priority was on making as much as possible as fast as possible. Some had to earn their living or support their families back home. Others needed to earn large sums of money to take home or to finance particular goals, such as more study, paying off personal debts, or gathering capital for starting their own businesses or for the lease/purchase of an apartment.
Half of 10 sex workers interviewed were financing or had financed their study in Australia through their work. With little language and more limited job options in Australia, many women were easily placed in economic difficulty, which pressured them to turn their eyes to entertainment or sex work as it was one of the fast and available ways in which they could earn their living. As one karaoke worker put:
“When working at a restaurant, I could hardly afford to pay the rent. Although I worked eight hours a day, seven days a week, there was always no money left for me. Then I got involved in this work in a hope to make money little easily. Now I can afford to send some money to my parents(W, 24, karaoke worker)”.
The fact that such work paid more than many other jobs available to them as well as offered comparatively flexible working hours might have functioned positively on their decision to enter the industry. They all agreed that money was the major attraction that pulled and kept them into the industry. Sex-related workers, in particular, often believed that this was the only way to improve their material position. One woman claimed that growing up in a poor family often increased these women’s likelihood to become economically and emotionally needy and attracted to luxurious life style that sex work could offer. She explained: “Except for some, most of working girls are from a relatively poor family. They do this work only for money. For all that, there’re some girls who rather spend their money on luxury shopping. But I understand them. They may be trying to get what they were never able to get (M, 29, brothel worker)”.
After all, it was money that made them enter and remain in this line of work. As another put: “My initial intention was to work just for two weeks in order to earn money for my enrollment in college. But the money that I could earn from this job made me continue to work for more than a year. For anyone who wishes to start this work, I’d like to advice to think twice (C, 25, room salon worker)”.
For a typical massage worker, the pay for an hour is $80 (the customer was charged $165 per hour). Usually it is after 10% of "tax", the income is split half and half between owner and the girl. The working hour can be long, usually 5 days a week with 10 to 12 hours a day. The average income per day is $600, that mean each week they can earn $3000.
The trend of globalisation and internationalisation in Korea
Many women in this study indicated that one reason they came to Australia was to have the opportunity to travel around in a new country and learn English. A small percentage did not have a sex work experience back in Korea but willingly choose to entry the Australian industry asit gave them the opportunity to experience a foreign country. Fuelled by the spirit of adventure, they often perceived and described their involvement in the Australian entertainment or sex industry to be a short-lived and auxiliary part oftheir global exploration. For the majority of the women as well, friends with an experience of working in Australia were an important source of job information and a motivating force in their coming to and employment in Australia . With the help of friends already in the Australian industry, many said they were able to get enough information about possible risks before they came to Australia. By the same token, they were well aware of the need not to be controlled by employers by making contracts or receiving advance money but to choose employers that adhered to good practices
Established networks of international employment and the use of an effective means of recruitment
International employment networks based in Korea and the use of an effective means of recruitment may have played a significant role in the entry of Korean women into the Australian entertainment and sex industry.
various media articles have reported that established organised networks between organisers in Korea and operators in Australia are heavily involved in small/medium-scale operations that legally or illegally recruit and bring in Korean women into Australia. These networks have developed effective recruiting techniques. Publicising tempting job offers through the use of various channels, from advertisements in the press to posting blogs on the internet, they have been able to take advantage of modern technology to achieve their goal. The use of internet, in particular, offers recruiters a user-friendly, fast and anonymous means of recruiting accessible to a broad group of women. Interview findings also suggest that there were a large number of recruiters in Korea who were working as agents for Australia-based Korean recruiters of entertainment and sex workers. To maximise their business profit, many of the Korean business owners and madams in Australia seemed to be linked to these agents in Korea and form a group of organisers to bring in women. These people usually formed a small group of organisers (e.g. two or three people) rather than a large organised crime group astheir importation of the Korean women into Australia did not necessarily require illegal activities such as the production of fraudulent documentation. According to the interview data, a group of organisers often included one or two females, typically madams. These madams seem to play an important role in advertising and making contact with the women. One woman, working as a massage parlour madam, explained: “The recruitment of the workers is usually the responsibility of the madam. I use this particular internet website based in Korea to recruit Korean girls. I constantly put an ad on it. If I successfully bring in a girl, I get $1,000 per person from the business owner. Brokers get the same amount (D, 28, massage worker)”. Many women were lured by job advertisements that exaggerated the benefits of working and living in Australia. One woman said: “Overstated advertisements are really responsible. They say you can earn $2,000 a week and you’re given a free airline ticket if you work more than six months. If you’ve been in the industry for many years and become an old face, it sounds worthwhile as it’ll at least give you an opportunity for overseas travel (R, 22, karaoke worker)”.
Working Holiday (WH) visa
Australia’s Working Holiday (WH) visa may be also important in influencing the influx of the Korean women into the Australian sex and entertainment industry. Australia allows Korean women to come on a working holiday visa and work as a sex worker. Unlessthere is a breach of visa conditions or any indication of sexual slavery or people trafficking, Australian law enforcement agencies are not required to take any action against sex workers on WH visas. Korea is one of the main source countries of working holiday makers in Australia. The majority of women also came to Australia on working holiday visas. They often referred to easy access to visas and work permit under the working holiday makers program (e.g. internet application and no requirement for language test) as a reason for their choice to come to Australia. One said: “Compared to U.S. and other countries, it is very easy to get a visa for travel to and work in Australia due to Working Holiday visa. Some countries like Japan and Canada, although also offering WH visa,require some kinds of language test(H, 28, brothel worker)”
Demand in Australia
One anonymous source from the industry (a man who identified himself as a Korean brothel employee and gave an account of the industry) estimated that over 60 % of the sex businesses in Sydney were owned by Asian Australians(mostly Chinese and a small number of Koreans), of whom many were former sex workers themselves. He said: After three to four years in business, these women get to learn how easily the business makes money and, in some cases, start their own business. This has facilitated a rapid increase of Asian businesses in the sex industry in Australia. Men tend to shop around and seek new faces, which has also contributed to the expansion of the industry (telephone interview, 2007)
Economic conditions in Korea
The economic conditions in Korea represented by the economic downturn and increasingly limited employment options for young people might be another push factor. Interviews with many women indicated that the economic downturn in Korea (especially since the Asian economic crisis or in Korea the so-called IMF crisis in later 1990s) was pushing more and more women to migrate overseas in search of work and take up employment in the sex and entertainment industry. Many women suggested that the decline was concentrated at the low-price end of the market, which may be responsible for their coming to Australia. One karaoke worker explained: “The new laws might have had some impacts. But it is business as usual. The depressed economy rather led many customers to tighten their pockets. And the business got more and more competitive. Competition amongst girls got keener and keener. The top 10% of girls earn an extremely high income when the rest struggle to survive. The gap in their incomes sometimes becomes as big as more than 100 million won a month. For me, things are rather better here in Australia (S, 25, karaoke worker)”
Where do you find them?
http://www.rjsyd.com/
http://midasmarrickville.com/
http://masstige8.com/
According to an article: The women worked in a range of workplaces including karaoke bars, room salons (hostess bars), massage parlours and brothels. Each type of establishments had different sets of working hours and conditions. They were willing participants in the industry and many were lured by job advertisements, readily available on the internet, which often exaggerated the benefits of a move into the industry. Also despite their legal status(the majority had a working holiday visa that allowed them to work up to 20 hours a week), they were, in many cases and to different extents, victims of deception, exploitation, control and illegal activities.
They were often vulnerable to verbal abuse and other controlling behaviour by their brothel owners, mangers, and/or madams which were often enforced through a long list of house rules related to being late, absent or quitting without due notice. These rules were often subject to changes at employers’ discretion. More than half the women felt that they were deceived about their eventual working conditions and found their working conditions to be either worse or much worse than what they expected or heard. This was particularly the case among karaoke and room salon workers.
Even though it was not directly ‘sex work’, being unknown to most outside the Korean community, including Australian service providers and authorities, their work usually had a sexual aspect.
Economic Motives
Korean women’s movement to and employment in the Australian entertainment and sex industry was always the result of their voluntarily choice. In-depth interviews with these women, however, suggest that their choice has been influenced by various forces, both structural and situational, at play. Although economic necessity was often the primary motivation, there was a diversity of economic, social and individual circumstances shaping their motivation. In most cases, women did not have one single reason but a combination of many reasons that led them to come to Australia and find a job in the sex and entertainment industry: for better employment prospects; for better income; to obtain a new life experience; to learn English; to extend their study abroad; to support family members back home, to pay off personal debts; or to gather capital for starting their own businesses.
Their migration dynamic in particular reflected the interplay of ‘push’ factors and ‘pull’ factors. Push factors may include negative aspects that make them leave Korea such as: economic motives; the trend of global movement; increased internationalisation of Korean culture; economic conditions in Korea; and the relatively more constraining Korean legal regime governing operation of the sex industry.
Pull factors may include positive aspects that induce them to come to Australia such as: established networks of international employment and their use of effective means of recruitment; immigration laws and prostitution laws in Australia, and the demand in Australia. In fact, these factors In all cases of Korean women interviewed in this study, the major motivation for their involvement in the Australian entertainment or sex industry was usually economic necessities, although also influenced by social and individual circumstances. The social reality that entertainment or sex work could earn more money than other work available to them might also have influenced their choice of work in Australia. Although, in most cases of the women, data was not available to indicate the socio-economic level of their family in Korea, the women were not necessarily from the lowest-income families in Korea and it was not necessarily poverty but economic necessity that played the most significant role in their entering into the industry in Australia.
For various reasons depending on the individual situation, all the women wanted to make money more than they could do from doing other work. All agreed that it was all about money. Priority was on making as much as possible as fast as possible. Some had to earn their living or support their families back home. Others needed to earn large sums of money to take home or to finance particular goals, such as more study, paying off personal debts, or gathering capital for starting their own businesses or for the lease/purchase of an apartment.
Half of 10 sex workers interviewed were financing or had financed their study in Australia through their work. With little language and more limited job options in Australia, many women were easily placed in economic difficulty, which pressured them to turn their eyes to entertainment or sex work as it was one of the fast and available ways in which they could earn their living. As one karaoke worker put:
“When working at a restaurant, I could hardly afford to pay the rent. Although I worked eight hours a day, seven days a week, there was always no money left for me. Then I got involved in this work in a hope to make money little easily. Now I can afford to send some money to my parents(W, 24, karaoke worker)”.
The fact that such work paid more than many other jobs available to them as well as offered comparatively flexible working hours might have functioned positively on their decision to enter the industry. They all agreed that money was the major attraction that pulled and kept them into the industry. Sex-related workers, in particular, often believed that this was the only way to improve their material position. One woman claimed that growing up in a poor family often increased these women’s likelihood to become economically and emotionally needy and attracted to luxurious life style that sex work could offer. She explained: “Except for some, most of working girls are from a relatively poor family. They do this work only for money. For all that, there’re some girls who rather spend their money on luxury shopping. But I understand them. They may be trying to get what they were never able to get (M, 29, brothel worker)”.
After all, it was money that made them enter and remain in this line of work. As another put: “My initial intention was to work just for two weeks in order to earn money for my enrollment in college. But the money that I could earn from this job made me continue to work for more than a year. For anyone who wishes to start this work, I’d like to advice to think twice (C, 25, room salon worker)”.
For a typical massage worker, the pay for an hour is $80 (the customer was charged $165 per hour). Usually it is after 10% of "tax", the income is split half and half between owner and the girl. The working hour can be long, usually 5 days a week with 10 to 12 hours a day. The average income per day is $600, that mean each week they can earn $3000.
The trend of globalisation and internationalisation in Korea
Many women in this study indicated that one reason they came to Australia was to have the opportunity to travel around in a new country and learn English. A small percentage did not have a sex work experience back in Korea but willingly choose to entry the Australian industry asit gave them the opportunity to experience a foreign country. Fuelled by the spirit of adventure, they often perceived and described their involvement in the Australian entertainment or sex industry to be a short-lived and auxiliary part oftheir global exploration. For the majority of the women as well, friends with an experience of working in Australia were an important source of job information and a motivating force in their coming to and employment in Australia . With the help of friends already in the Australian industry, many said they were able to get enough information about possible risks before they came to Australia. By the same token, they were well aware of the need not to be controlled by employers by making contracts or receiving advance money but to choose employers that adhered to good practices
Established networks of international employment and the use of an effective means of recruitment
International employment networks based in Korea and the use of an effective means of recruitment may have played a significant role in the entry of Korean women into the Australian entertainment and sex industry.
various media articles have reported that established organised networks between organisers in Korea and operators in Australia are heavily involved in small/medium-scale operations that legally or illegally recruit and bring in Korean women into Australia. These networks have developed effective recruiting techniques. Publicising tempting job offers through the use of various channels, from advertisements in the press to posting blogs on the internet, they have been able to take advantage of modern technology to achieve their goal. The use of internet, in particular, offers recruiters a user-friendly, fast and anonymous means of recruiting accessible to a broad group of women. Interview findings also suggest that there were a large number of recruiters in Korea who were working as agents for Australia-based Korean recruiters of entertainment and sex workers. To maximise their business profit, many of the Korean business owners and madams in Australia seemed to be linked to these agents in Korea and form a group of organisers to bring in women. These people usually formed a small group of organisers (e.g. two or three people) rather than a large organised crime group astheir importation of the Korean women into Australia did not necessarily require illegal activities such as the production of fraudulent documentation. According to the interview data, a group of organisers often included one or two females, typically madams. These madams seem to play an important role in advertising and making contact with the women. One woman, working as a massage parlour madam, explained: “The recruitment of the workers is usually the responsibility of the madam. I use this particular internet website based in Korea to recruit Korean girls. I constantly put an ad on it. If I successfully bring in a girl, I get $1,000 per person from the business owner. Brokers get the same amount (D, 28, massage worker)”. Many women were lured by job advertisements that exaggerated the benefits of working and living in Australia. One woman said: “Overstated advertisements are really responsible. They say you can earn $2,000 a week and you’re given a free airline ticket if you work more than six months. If you’ve been in the industry for many years and become an old face, it sounds worthwhile as it’ll at least give you an opportunity for overseas travel (R, 22, karaoke worker)”.
Working Holiday (WH) visa
Australia’s Working Holiday (WH) visa may be also important in influencing the influx of the Korean women into the Australian sex and entertainment industry. Australia allows Korean women to come on a working holiday visa and work as a sex worker. Unlessthere is a breach of visa conditions or any indication of sexual slavery or people trafficking, Australian law enforcement agencies are not required to take any action against sex workers on WH visas. Korea is one of the main source countries of working holiday makers in Australia. The majority of women also came to Australia on working holiday visas. They often referred to easy access to visas and work permit under the working holiday makers program (e.g. internet application and no requirement for language test) as a reason for their choice to come to Australia. One said: “Compared to U.S. and other countries, it is very easy to get a visa for travel to and work in Australia due to Working Holiday visa. Some countries like Japan and Canada, although also offering WH visa,require some kinds of language test(H, 28, brothel worker)”
Demand in Australia
One anonymous source from the industry (a man who identified himself as a Korean brothel employee and gave an account of the industry) estimated that over 60 % of the sex businesses in Sydney were owned by Asian Australians(mostly Chinese and a small number of Koreans), of whom many were former sex workers themselves. He said: After three to four years in business, these women get to learn how easily the business makes money and, in some cases, start their own business. This has facilitated a rapid increase of Asian businesses in the sex industry in Australia. Men tend to shop around and seek new faces, which has also contributed to the expansion of the industry (telephone interview, 2007)
Economic conditions in Korea
The economic conditions in Korea represented by the economic downturn and increasingly limited employment options for young people might be another push factor. Interviews with many women indicated that the economic downturn in Korea (especially since the Asian economic crisis or in Korea the so-called IMF crisis in later 1990s) was pushing more and more women to migrate overseas in search of work and take up employment in the sex and entertainment industry. Many women suggested that the decline was concentrated at the low-price end of the market, which may be responsible for their coming to Australia. One karaoke worker explained: “The new laws might have had some impacts. But it is business as usual. The depressed economy rather led many customers to tighten their pockets. And the business got more and more competitive. Competition amongst girls got keener and keener. The top 10% of girls earn an extremely high income when the rest struggle to survive. The gap in their incomes sometimes becomes as big as more than 100 million won a month. For me, things are rather better here in Australia (S, 25, karaoke worker)”
Where do you find them?
http://www.rjsyd.com/
http://midasmarrickville.com/
http://masstige8.com/
Monday, 3 June 2013
Love Hotels
A Lovely Place to Go
A narrow street filled with love hotels. (Photo courtesy of Kim Ikkyon.)
“Love hotels” have long been a fixture of Japanese society. Yet not so many people are aware of about how these establishments—catering to the romantic rendezvous or tawdry affair—have evolved over time. Most Japanese simply take love hotels for granted, while foreigners often file the phenomenon under the “bizarre Japan” category.
A visitor to Japan won’t have too much trouble recognizing a love hotel—although they are no longer as garishly designed as before. Unlike an ordinary hotel, love hotels tend to have few if any windows to allow for privacy. Similarly, the parking lots are usually concealed behind a barrier so customers can come and go without attracting attention. Sometimes the name of a hotel alone is all the hint a passerby needs to recognize a love hotel—something too over-the-top for an ordinary hotel or dripping with double-entendre. And finally, if nothing else, the sign outside listing the prices is a dead giveaway, whether the full price for an overnight “Stay” or just over half that amount for a two-hour “Rest” (preceded, one suspects, by a fairly vigorous spurt of activity).
Inside, along with an enormous double-bed and array of “adult goods,” today’s love hotels come equipped with an array of amenities, including massage chairs, Jacuzzis, videogame consoles, and karaoke equipment. And all of this comes at quite an affordable price. But the love hotels, in order to survive, must continually update their menu of services and facilities to meet the needs of demanding customers.
One young scholar who has tracked how love hotels have evolved over time, and how that evolution reflects changes in Japanese society, is Kim Ikkyon, a lecturer at Kobe Gakuin University. She has presented her findings in a book for the general reader, titled Rabu hoteru shinka ron (The Evolution of Love Hotels). In it, Kim looks at how love hotels, like any other cultural phenomenon, emerged as a result of broadly meeting a societal need—rather than being the conscious design of any one individual.
Precursors to the Love Hotel
A newspaper article from 1930 introducing "enshuku" hotels. (Photo courtesy of Yomiuri Shimbun.)
According to Kim, “professional” ladies back in the Edo period had rented rooms to entertain their clients, but it was only in the early Shōwa era (1926–89) that ordinary couples began to make use the lodgings called enshuku (literally, “one-yen dwellings,” which are at the origin of the modern love hotel). These establishments offered guests the option of paying one yen to rent a room for a few hours rather than paying more for a whole night. These hotels were frequented from everyone from “women of the night” to ordinary women.
Many of the hotels had to close down during World War II, however. For some time after the war, couples had to turn to outdoor spots—like the park in front of the Imperial Palace in Tokyo or the area around Osaka Castle—for a romantic rendezvous.
A few years later, as Japan began to recover from the war, construction of residential areas and commercial facilities progressed rapidly, spurred by the boom in demand during the Korean War. Huge numbers of workers poured into the urban areas, raising demand for lodging facilities and causing a wave of hotel construction. Couples also made use of these new facilities but many only wanted to use a room for an hour or two. In response, the proprietors set up hourly rates and earned huge profits through this “revolving-door” approach.
Inns geared to attracting couples began to be concentrated in and around the entertainment districts. At some point these places came to be widely known tsurekomi inns—from the verb meaning “take into” or “bring along.” That is to say, if a bar was the spot to “pick up” a female companion, thetsurekomi inn was the place to take her at the end of the night.
The number of these inns mushroomed in the late 1950s and early 1960s. In central Tokyo alone, there were around 2,700 tsurekomi inns by 1961. Many of the brothels moved their operations to these locations in response to the Prostitution Prevention Law enacted in 1958, and others, seeing the easy money to be made, converted their own residences into these shack-up spots. This was all happening in the period leading up to the 1964 Tokyo Olympics.
View of the exterior and interior of a "tsurekomi" inn. A mirror is installed behind a sliding screen to make the room seem more spacious and spice up things a bit. (Photo courtesy of Kim Ikkyon.)No Room for Romance
How can we account for the heightened demand for tsurekomi inns around that time? According to Kim, this boom was closely connected to the housing situation in Japan, characterized by a small number of rooms used for various purposes. A room might serve as a living room during the day, a place to eat during meals, and then an area to set out the futons at night to sleep.
This arrangement meant that there was no place where a couple could be alone, Kim observes, because children or parents were sharing the same rooms. With no room of their own, married couples were hard-pressed to secure a private corner where they could enjoy themselves and perhaps even expand the family unit. Not surprisingly, then, married couples flocked to the tsurekomiinns along with the hordes of young lovers and professional sex workers.
Another great attraction of these establishments was that they included bathing facilities. Customers had to wait their turn to use the bath inside a tsurekomi inn but once their room number was called a couple could have a whole bath to themselves. This was a great luxury at a time when most homes did not have a bathtub and people frequented public baths instead.
Castles of Love
The term “love hotel” first came into use when the tsurekomi inns went a bit upscale, from around the late 1960s to the early 1970s, according to Kim’s research. This was a period when the high-growth Japanese economy entered a period of stability after surmounting the “oil shocks,” and the size of the middle class swelled a rapidly. This was an era of peak dynamism—a time when the generation of baby-boomers reached adulthood and Japan was described as having a “100-million-strong middle class.”
The Osaka World Expo of 1970 sparked a boom in foreign travel, as Japanese people longed to visit the United States and Europe. Amidst this mood, Japanese-style inns came to be looked down on as rather gloomy places. This led to the tsurekomi inns to undergo a great transformation, as owners used the huge profits they had pocketed to create Western-style hotels with flashy exteriors and lavish amenities.
A view of the Meguro Emperor, the first of many love hotels to adopt a castle-shape design. (Photo courtesy of Kim Ikkyon.)
The first of these new hotels opened in the Meguro district of Tokyo in 1973. The hotel, named Meguro Emperor, quickly captured the public’s attention thanks in part to its rather bizarre design, modeled after a European castle.
Kim points out that it was impossible to openly advertise the hotels since they were mainly intended for sexual encounters. This meant that the exterior of the building itself had to serve as a sort of advertisement. It had to be clear at a glance that the building was a love hotel. Quite a few establishments tried to cash in on the success of the Meguro Emperor hotel by adopting similar castle-like designs, and over the next ten years or so these citadels sprang up all over Japan.
The Meguro Emperor was racking up monthly sales of ¥40 million at the time. This added momentum to a shift that was already underway toward hotels going the deluxe route. Love hotels began to feature brash neon signs and fanciful designs that resembled everything under the sun, not only castles but even churches or cruise ships. The interiors were no less extraordinary. Those venturing inside might come face to face with a jungle environment, English scenery, or some palatial spread.
On top of this there were all sorts of unusual gadgets and amenities for hotel guests to use, whether a vibrating bed, “human washing machine,” planetarium, gondola, or a play swing. Every effort was made, in this way, to provide guests with an out-of-the-ordinary experience.
This was the heyday of love hotels. But when the economy slowed down in later years the hotels underwent a major transformation. (Continued in part two.)
The Shanty Akasaka hotel that opened in 1973, the same year as the Meguro Emperor. Although the design is flashy, the entrance is discreet.Tuesday, 21 May 2013
Risa Tachibana
Risa's first debut seems to be a deadfish
But she's back with better and better acting in her next movies.
Her smile is captivating, with soft skin an great body
And her bush is wacky
This is her latest as a Super Luxury Soap Lady is amazing, Her smile will melt your dick. And she seems to enjoy much more than her first debut
But she's back with better and better acting in her next movies.
Her smile is captivating, with soft skin an great body
And her bush is wacky
This is her latest as a Super Luxury Soap Lady is amazing, Her smile will melt your dick. And she seems to enjoy much more than her first debut
| Name: | Risa Tachibana |
| DOB: | 5/18/93 |
| Birthplace: | Yamanashi |
| Sign: | Taurus |
| Blood Type: | n/a |
| Height: | 162 cm |
| 5 ft 4 in | |
| Measurements: | 85-60-92 (cm) |
| 33-24-36 (in) | |
| Cup Size: | F |
Risa Tachibana was a member in training (KKS) for the popular Idol group AKB48.
Speaking as Tachibana, she explains her motivations for appearing in the film in an interview contained on the 180-minute disc. “I do not have any positive memories regarding sex,” she says. “If I can become comfortable with sex it may change my views of men. My personality of turning my back (to people) may also change a little.”
Her negative views of intimacy and men go back to her first encounter. At the age of 17, a course of events led her to be taken to a love hotel by an older acquaintance she really did not know or care for. “He forced himself on me violently,” she says.
In Cosplay, Risa happily takes on 2 guys, very exciting
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